Today we share the words of Genevan philosopher, writer, and composer, Jean-Jacques Rousseau (1712-1778), from a collection of his various political writings, including: ‘Discourse on the Origin and Foundations of Inequality Among Men’ (published 1755), ‘Discourse on Political Economy’ (published 1755), and ‘On Social Contract or Principles of Political Right’ (published 1762).
Jean-Jacques Rousseau’s key philosophies include the concept of the social contract (where individuals give up some freedoms for the benefit of the community – a key component of the U.S. Constitution), the idea of the natural goodness of humans corrupted by society, the importance of education, and the advocacy for a more egalitarian society. He believed in the sovereignty of the general will, the importance of individual freedom within the constraints of society, and the need for a balance between individual rights and the common good.
Quotes From Rousseau’s Political Writings
Quotes are excerpted from the Norton Critical Edition of ‘Rousseau’s Political Writings’, published by W.W. Norton & Company in 1988 and which was translated by Julia Conaway Bondanella and edited by Alan Ritter.
Groups
“… more often produced by chance than by wisdom, which are called either weakness or power, or wealth or poverty, human institutions appear at first glance to be founded on shifting sands; it is only by examining them closely, only after having cleared away the dust and sand surrounding the edifice, that we perceive the unshakable base on which it has been raised, and that we learn to respect its foundations.” – ‘Discourse on the Origin and Foundations of Inequality Among Men’ – Preface (published 1755)
“The full force of the laws falls only upon those of moderate means; the laws are equally powerless against the treasures of the rich and the destitution of the poor; the first eludes them, the second escapes them; one tears the web apart and the other slips through.” – ‘Discourse on Political Economy’ (published 1755)
“The oldest of all societies and the only natural one is that of the family… The family, therefore, is, if you will, the first model for political societies…” – ‘On Social Contract or Principles of Political Right’ – Book 1 – Chapter 2 – ‘On The First Societies’ (published 1762)
“… since men cannot engender new forces but merely unite and direct the existing ones, they have no other means of preserving themselves than to form by aggregation a sum of forces… by means of a single motive power and make them act in concert. This sum of forces can arise only from the cooperation of several men…” – ‘On Social Contract or Principles of Political Right’ – Book 1 – Chapter 6 – ‘On The Social Pact’ (published 1762)
“Just as nature has set limits to the stature of a well-formed man… so there are limits to the size of a well-constituted state, so that it may be neither too large to be well governed, nor too small to endure on its own. In every political body, there is a maximum strength, which it cannot exceed, and from which growth often makes it deviate. The more the social bond is stretched, the more slack it grows, and, a small state is generally stronger in proportion to its size than a large one.” – ‘On Social Contract or Principles of Political Right’ – Book 2 – Chapter 9 – ‘Continued’ (published 1762)
Liberty
“… citizens only allow themselves to be oppressed to the degree that they are carried away by blind ambition, and since they pay more attention to what is below them than to what is above, domination becomes dearer to them than independence, and they consent to wear chains so that they many in turn give them to others… inequality spreads without difficulty among cowardly and ambitious souls…” – ‘Discourse on the Origin and Foundations of Inequality Among Men’ – Response to Question Proposed by the Academy of Dijon – Part 2 (published 1755)
“… press the partisans… to explain more clearly what they mean by the body of the state, and you will see that they will finally reduce it to a small number of men who are not the people but the officers of the people, and who, having obligated themselves by a personal oath to perish themselves for the good of the people, claim to prove thereby that the people should perish for them.” – ‘Discourse on Political Economy’ (published 1755)
“The homeland cannot subsist without liberty, nor liberty without virtue, nor virtue without citizens. You will have everything, if you train citizens; without that, you will only have malicious slaves, beginning with the leaders of the state.” – ‘Discourse on Political Economy’ (published 1755)
“Since no individual has natural authority over his fellow man, and since force creates no rights, agreements remain the basis of all legitimate authority among men.” – ‘On Social Contract or Principles of Political Right’ – Book 1 – Chapter 4 – ‘On Slavery’ (published 1762)
“To renounce one’s liberty is to renounce one’s humanity, the rights of humanity and even its duties… Such a renunciation is incompatible with man’s nature, and to strip him of all freedom of will is to strip his actions of all morality.” – ‘On Social Contract or Principles of Political Right’ – Book 1 – Chapter 4 – ‘On Slavery’ (published 1762)
“… we must carefully distinguish between natural liberty, which is limited only by the strength of the individual, and civil liberty, which is limited by the general will, and between possession, which is only the result of force or the right of the first occupant, and ownership, which can be based only on a real title. Besides the preceding, another benefit which can be counted among the attainments of the civil state is moral liberty, which alone makes man truly his own master, for impulsion by appetite alone is slavery, and obedience to the law that one has prescribed for oneself is liberty.” – ‘On Social Contract or Principles of Political Right’ – Book 1 – Chapter 8 – ‘On The Civil State’ (published 1762)
“Remember that the walls of towns are only made from the remains of country houses. For every palace I see being built in the capital, I believe I see an entire countryside reduced to rubble.” – ‘On Social Contract or Principles of Political Right’ – Book 3 – Chapter 13 – ‘Continued’ (published 1762)
Self-Sovereignty
“… the advances made by the human species constantly move it away from its primitive state, the more we accumulate new knowledge…” – ‘Discourse on the Origin and Foundations of Inequality Among Men’ – Preface (published 1755)
“… pondering the first and simplest operations of the human soul, I believe I perceive in it two principles that are prior to reason, of which one makes us ardently interested in our well-being and our self-preservation, and the other inspires in us a natural repugnance to seeing any sentient being, and principally our fellow men, perish or suffer. It appears to me that the ability of our mind to coordinate and combine these two principles, without the need for introducing that of sociability here, gives rise to all the rules of natural right, rules that reason is then forced to reestablish on other foundations, when, by its successive developments, it has succeeded in smothering nature.” – ‘Discourse on the Origin and Foundations of Inequality Among Men’ – Preface (published 1755)
“… who does not see that everything seems to remove savage man from the temptation and means to cease being what he is?… His soul, which nothing can agitate, is wholly given over to the sentiment of its present existence, with no idea of the future, however near it may be, and his plans, as limited as his views, hardly extend to the end of the day.” – ‘Discourse on the Origin and Foundations of Inequality Among Men’ – Response to Question Proposed by the Academy of Dijon – Part 1 (published 1755)
“Man is born free, and everywhere he is in chains.” – ‘On Social Contract or Principles of Political Right’ – Book 1 – Chapter 1 – ‘The Subject Of This First Book’ (published 1762)
“This passage from the state of nature to the civil state produces a most remarkable change in man, by substituting justice for instinct in his conduct, and giving his actions the morality they previously lacked. Only when the voice of duty succeeds physical impulse and right succeeds appetite does man, who had until then considered only himself, find himself compelled to act on different principles and to consult his reason before listening to his inclinations. Although in this state he denies himself several of the advantages he owes to nature, he gains others so great – his faculties are exercised and developed, his ideas are extended, his feelings are ennobled, his whole soul is so uplifted – that if the abuses of this new condition did not often degrade him beneath the condition from which he emerged, he would constantly have to bless the happy moment that tore him away from it forever… What man loses by the social contract is his natural liberty and an unlimited right to everything that tempts him and to everything he can take; what he gains is civil liberty and the ownership of everything he possesses.” – ‘On Social Contract or Principles of Political Right’ – Book 1 – Chapter 8 – ‘On The Civil State’ (published 1762)
“There is but one law that by its nature requires unanimous consent. This is the social pact, for civil association is the most voluntary act in the world. Since every man is born free and master of himself, no one can, under any pretext whatsoever, subjugate him without his consent. To decide that the son of a slave is born a slave is to decide that he is not born a man.” – ‘On Social Contract or Principles of Political Right’ – Book 4 – Chapter 2 – ‘On Voting’ (published 1762)
Social Capital
“… contrary to reason, happiness, and virtue; we… see leaders stirring up everything that can weaken an assembly of men by disuniting them; everything that can give society an air of apparent harmony and sow in it the seeds of real division; everything that can inspire mistrust and mutual hatred in the different orders through setting their rights and interests into opposition, and, consequently, fortifying the power that contains them all.” – ‘Discourse on the Origin and Foundations of Inequality Among Men’ – Response to Question Proposed by the Academy of Dijon – Part 2 (published 1755)
“… savage man lives within himself; social man knows only how to live beyond himself in the opinion of others, and it is, so to speak, from their judgment alone that he derives the sentiment of his own existence.” – ‘Discourse on the Origin and Foundations of Inequality Among Men’ – Response to Question Proposed by the Academy of Dijon – Part 2 (published 1755)
“… when citizens love their duty, and those entrusted with public authority sincerely apply themselves to fostering this love through their example and their efforts, all difficulties vanish, and administration becomes so easy that it can dispense with… all those grand ministers whose glory is inseparable from the misfortunes of the people… public moral habits supplant the genius of leaders; and the longer virtue reigns, the less need there is for talents. Ambition itself is better served by duty than by usurpation. Convinced that its leaders work only toward its happiness, the people spares them, through its deference, from working to strengthen their power…the authority the people accords to those it loves and by whom it is loved is a hundred times more absolute than all the tyranny of usurpers.” – ‘Discourse on Political Economy’ (published 1755)
“… every man is virtuous when his particular will is wholly in conformity with the general will, and we willingly want what is wanted by the people we love… the humanity concentrated among fellow citizens acquires new force within them through the habit of seeing each other and through the common interest which unites them.” – ‘Discourse on Political Economy’ (published 1755)
“Do we want peoples to be virtuous? If so, let us begin by making them love their homeland.” – ‘Discourse on Political Economy’ (published 1755)
“… once fundamental agreements are violated, it is no longer apparent what right or what interest could hold the people in the social union, unless it is restrained by force alone, which brings about the dissolution of the civil state.” – ‘Discourse on Political Economy’ (published 1755)
“… respect your fellow citizens, and you will make yourselves worthy of respect; respect liberty, and your power will increase daily; never exceed your rights, and before long they will be boundless.” – ‘Discourse on Political Economy’ (published 1755)
“Men unequally distributed over the territory and crowded into one place while others become underpopulated; arts of pure pleasure and pure industry favored above useful and difficult trades; agriculture sacrificed to commerce; the tax collector made necessary by the poor administration of state funds; and, finally, venality pushed to such extremes that esteem is reckoned in gold coins, and virtues themselves are sold for money. These are the most tangible causes of extreme wealth and poverty.” – ‘Discourse on Political Economy’ (published 1755)
“… never taken into account, although it should always be considered first of all, is that of the benefits everyone derives from the social confederation, which provides powerful protection for the immense possessions of the rich and scarcely allows a poor wretch to enjoy the cottage he has built with his own hands… but if a poor man has the misfortune of having an honest soul, a beautiful daughter, and a powerful neighbor, I consider him a man lost.” – ‘Discourse on Political Economy’ (published 1755)
“The commitments which bind us to the social body are obligatory only because they are mutual, and their nature is such that in fulfilling them we cannot work for others without also working for ourselves.” – ‘On Social Contract or Principles of Political Right’ – Book 2 – Chapter 4 – ‘On The Limits Of Sovereign Power’ (published 1762)
“Public enlightenment, then, results in the union of understanding and will within the social body, which gives rise to close cooperation among the parts, and finally, to the greatest strength of the whole.” – ‘On Social Contract or Principles of Political Right’ – Book 2 – Chapter 6 – ‘On Law’ (published 1762)
“Peace, unity, and equality are the enemies of political subtleties.” – ‘On Social Contract or Principles of Political Right’ – Book 4 – Chapter 1 – ‘That The General Will Is Indestructible’ (published 1762)
“The more harmony reigns in the assemblies, that is, the closer opinions come to being unanimous, the more dominant, therefore, is the general will, but long debates, dissensions, and tumult proclaim the ascendancy of private interests and the decline of the state.” – ‘On Social Contract or Principles of Political Right’ – Book 4 – Chapter 2 – ‘On Voting’ (published 1762)
Sovereignty
“… the more violent the passions, the more necessary the laws to contain them.” – ‘Discourse on the Origin and Foundations of Inequality Among Men’ – Response to Question Proposed by the Academy of Dijon – Part 1 (published 1755)
“The first man, having fenced off a plot of land, thought of saying ‘This is mine’ and found people simple enough to believe him was the real founder of civil society.” – ‘Discourse on the Origin and Foundations of Inequality Among Men’ – Response to Question Proposed by the Academy of Dijon – Part 2 (published 1755)
“The power of the laws depends even more on their own wisdom than on the severity of their ministers, and the public will draws its greatest weight from the reason which dictated it.” – ‘Discourse on Political Economy’ (published 1755)
“The more you multiply the laws, the more contemptible you make them, and all the supervisors you appoint are only new lawbreakers destined to share the plunder with the veterans or to do their own looting. Soon, the price of virtue becomes that of brigandage. The most vile men become the most reputable; the greater they are, the more contemptible they are; their infamy is manifest in their dignities, and they are dishonored by their honors.” – ‘Discourse on Political Economy’ (published 1755)
“Let the homeland… prove itself the common mother of its citizens; let the advantages they enjoy in their country endear it to them; let the government leave them a sufficient share in public administration so that they feel at home; and let the laws be, in their eyes, merely the guarantees of public liberty.” – ‘Discourse on Political Economy’ (published 1755)
“It is… one of the most important concerns of government to prevent extreme inequality of fortunes… by protecting citizens from becoming impoverished.” – ‘Discourse on Political Economy’ (published 1755)
“… the substitution of private interests for the public interest, the mutual hatred of citizens, their indifference to the common cause, the corruption of the people, and the weakening of all the workings of government. Such ills are consequently difficult to cure when they make themselves felt, but a wise administrator should prevent them in order to maintain, along with good moral habits, respect for the laws, love for the homeland, and the vigor of the general will.” – ‘Discourse on Political Economy’ (published 1755)
“… it can be said that a government has reached the final stage of corruption, when nothing is left of its sinews but money.” – ‘Discourse on Political Economy’ (published 1755)
“… all governments constantly tend to grow weaker…” – ‘Discourse on Political Economy’ (published 1755)
“Sometimes it is possible to kill the state without killing a single one of its members.” – ‘On Social Contract or Principles of Political Right’ – Book 1 – Chapter 4 – ‘On Slavery’ (published 1762)
“Now, the sovereign, formed solely by the private individuals who compose it, neither has nor can have any interest contrary to theirs; consequently, the sovereign power has no need to give a guarantee to the subjects, because it is impossible for the body to want to harm all its members, and… it cannot hurt any one of them as an individual. Merely by virtue of its special nature, the sovereign is always everything that it should be. But this is not true of the subjects in relation to the sovereign, which, despite the common interest, could not rely upon their commitments, unless it found the means of insuring their fidelity… In order, therefore, that the social pact may not be an empty formula, it tacitly includes the commitment, which alone can give force to the others, that anyone who refuses to obey the general will shall be compelled to do so by the entire body…” – ‘On Social Contract or Principles of Political Right’ – Book 1 – Chapter 7 – ‘On The Sovereign’ (published 1762)
“If the state or city is only an artificial body whose life consists in the union of its members, and if the most important of its concerns is its own preservation, it must have a universal and compelling force in order to move and dispose each part in the manner best suited to the whole. Just as nature gives each man absolute power over all his members, the social pact gives the body politic absolute power over all its own; and it is the same power, under the direction of the general will, which bears, as I have said, the name of sovereignty.” – ‘On Social Contract or Principles of Political Right’ – Book 2 – Chapter 4 – ‘On The Limits Of Sovereign Power’ (published 1762)
“The body politic, as well as the body of a man, begins to die from the moment of its birth and bears within itself the causes of its destruction.” – ‘On Social Contract or Principles of Political Right’ – Book 3 – Chapter 11 – ‘On The Death Of The Body Politic’ (published 1762)
Virtues
“Like the statue of Glaucus, which time, sea, and storms had so disfigured that it resembled less a god than a wild beast, the human soul, altered in the midst of society by a thousand constantly recurring causes, by the acquisition of a mass of knowledge and a multitude of errors, by the changes that came about in the constitution of the body, and by the continual impact of the passions has, so to speak, changed in appearance to the point of being nearly unrecognizable; and instead of a being which always acts according to certain and invariable principles, instead of that celestial and majestic simplicity which its author imprinted on it, one no longer finds anything but the grotesque contrast between passion which thinks itself reasonable and understanding in a state of delirium.” – ‘Discourse on the Origin and Foundations of Inequality Among Men’ – Preface (published 1755)
“… a moral being [is] a being intelligent, free, and prudent in his relations with others, and… endowed with reason…” – ‘Discourse on the Origin and Foundations of Inequality Among Men’ – Preface (published 1755)
“… man; his duties towards others are not dictated to him solely by the belated lessons of wisdom, and as long as he does not resist the inner impulse of compassion, he will never do harm to another man, or even to any other sentient being, except in those legitimate cases where, since his owner preservation is involved, he is obliged to give preference to himself.” – ‘Discourse on the Origin and Foundations of Inequality Among Men’ – Preface (published 1755)
“… human understanding owes much to the passions, which, it is commonly agreed, also owe much to the understanding. By the activity of the passions, our reason is perfected; we seek knowledge only because we desire enjoyment, and it is impossible to conceive why a person who has neither desires nor fears would take the trouble to reason. The passions, in their turn, find their origin in our needs and owe their progress to our knowledge, for things can be desired or feared only on the basis of ideas that we can form about them or through the simple impulsion of nature…” – ‘Discourse on the Origin and Foundations of Inequality Among Men’ – Response to Question Proposed by the Academy of Dijon – Part 1 (published 1755)
“I do not believe I have to fear any contradiction in granting to man the only natural virtue which the most excessive detractor of human virtues has been forced to recognize. I am speaking of compassion, a disposition fitting for beings as weak and subject to as many ills as we are, a virtue all the more universal and all the more useful to man, since it precedes the use of any kind of reflection within him… Indeed, what are generosity, clemency, humanity, if not compassion, applied to the weak, to the guilty, or to the human species in general? Benevolence and even friendship are, rightly speaking, the products of constant compassion fixed upon a particular object, for, is to desire that someone not suffer anything other than to desire that he be happy?” – ‘Discourse on the Origin and Foundations of Inequality Among Men’ – Response to Question Proposed by the Academy of Dijon – Part 1 (published 1755)
“It is reason that engenders self-love, and it is reflection that strengthens it…” – ‘Discourse on the Origin and Foundations of Inequality Among Men’ – Response to Question Proposed by the Academy of Dijon – Part 1 (published 1755)
“… compassion is a natural sentiment which, by moderating the activity of self-esteem in each individual, contributes to the mutual preservation of the whole species. It carries us without thinking to the aid of those whom we see suffering… Instead of that sublime maxim of rational justice, Do unto others as you would have them do unto you, it inspires in all men that other maxim of natural goodness, much less perfect but perhaps more useful than the preceding one: Do what is good for you with the least possible harm to others.” – ‘Discourse on the Origin and Foundations of Inequality Among Men’ – Response to Question Proposed by the Academy of Dijon – Part 1 (published 1755)
On Love: “Among the passions that stir the heart of man, there is an ardent, impetuous one which makes one sex necessary to the other, a terrible passion which braves all dangers, overcomes all obstacles, and which, in its fury, seems calculated to destroy the human race, which it is destined to preserve. What will become of men, prey to this unbridled and brutal rage, without modesty, without restraint, and fighting every day over the objects of their love at the price of their lives?” – ‘Discourse on the Origin and Foundations of Inequality Among Men’ – Response to Question Proposed by the Academy of Dijon – Part 1 (published 1755)
“… blind obedience is the only virtue left to slaves.”- ‘Discourse on the Origin and Foundations of Inequality Among Men’ – Response to Question Proposed by the Academy of Dijon – Part 2 (published 1755)
“… once everything is reduced to appearances, all become artificial and deceitful… honor without virtue, reason without wisdom, and pleasure without happiness… this is not the original state of man… it is only the spirit of society and the inequality it engenders, which thus transform and corrupt all our natural inclinations.” – ‘Discourse on the Origin and Foundations of Inequality Among Men’ – Response to Question Proposed by the Academy of Dijon – Part 2 (published 1755)
“To be just, one must be severe: tolerating wickedness, when one has the right and power to repress it, is being wicked oneself.” – ‘Discourse on Political Economy’ (published 1755)
“It is certain that the greatest marvels of virtue have been produced by love for the homeland. Its combination of the force of self-love with all the beauty of virtue gives this sweet and lively sentiment an energy that, without disfiguring it, makes it the most heroic of all the passions. This is the passion that produced so many immortal actions whose brilliance bedazzles our feeble eyes and so many great men whose old style virtues pass for fables, now that love of one’s homeland is the object of derision.” – ‘Discourse on Political Economy’ (published 1755)
“It is from the first moment of life that we must learn how to deserve to live.” – ‘Discourse on Political Economy’ (published 1755)
“… the law does not prescribe magnificence for anyone, and the proprieties are never grounds for going against right.” – ‘Discourse on Political Economy’ (published 1755)
“If we inquire into exactly what constitutes the greatest good of all, which should be the end of every system of legislation, we shall find that it comes down to these two principal objectives, liberty and equality.” – ‘On Social Contract or Principles of Political Right’ – Book 2 – Chapter 11 – ‘On The Various Systems Of Legislation’ (published 1762)
Final Thoughts
Looking at Rousseau’s vast collection of political wisdom, what strikes me most profoundly is his penetrating diagnosis of how societies corrupt themselves from within. His observation that “the laws are equally powerless against the treasures of the rich and the destitution of the poor” feels painfully relevant in our age of widening inequality. Rousseau understood that extreme wealth concentration doesn’t just create material disparities—it fundamentally undermines the social contract itself. When laws apply differently based on economic status, when public offices become commodities for sale, and when private interests systematically override the common good, the very foundations of legitimate government crumble. His warning that governments reach “the final stage of corruption, when nothing is left of its sinews but money” reads like a prophecy for our times.
Yet Rousseau offers more than critique—he provides a vision of what binds societies together. His emphasis on the “general will” and the necessity of citizens genuinely loving their homeland speaks to something deeper than mere political mechanics. He understood that functional societies require more than laws and institutions; they need what we might call social capital—that intangible web of trust, mutual respect, and shared purpose that makes people willing to sacrifice for the common good. His insight that “public moral habits supplant the genius of leaders” suggests that the health of a democracy lies not in finding exceptional rulers but in cultivating virtuous citizens. When people lose faith in their institutions and each other, when they see government as merely an arena for competing private interests rather than a vehicle for collective flourishing, the social fabric unravels regardless of what laws are on the books.
Perhaps most powerfully, Rousseau reminds us of the fundamental tension at the heart of civilized life: we are born free yet everywhere live in chains, and the challenge is to create chains of our own making that enhance rather than diminish our humanity. His vision of the social contract as “the most voluntary act in the world” points toward a political ideal where constraints serve freedom rather than opposing it. In our era of polarization and institutional decay, Rousseau’s work feels urgently relevant—not as a blueprint to follow but as a mirror reflecting our own struggles with inequality, corruption, and the eternal question of how to balance individual liberty with collective welfare. His writings remind us that every generation must actively choose to renew the social contract, to resist the slide toward oligarchy and fragmentation, and to nurture those bonds of civic virtue without which no republic can long endure.
Thanks for reading!